Separation of Church and State
The First Amendment's Establishment Clause is not a suggestion; it is a constitutional mandate. Government has no business promoting, endorsing, subsidizing, or legislating the doctrines of any religious tradition. This principle protects not just non-believers and religious minorities, but believers themselves, from the corruption that inevitably follows when religious institutions become entangled with the coercive power of the state.
How We Do It
- Enforce the Johnson Amendment: which prohibits tax-exempt religious organizations from endorsing or opposing political candidates, closing the enforcement gap that has allowed many religious institutions to function as de facto political operations while retaining their tax-exempt status.
- Prohibit the use of public funds for religious instruction: including voucher programs that direct public education funding to religious schools that are not subject to the same accountability, curriculum, and non-discrimination standards as public schools.
- Establish clear legal guidelines: prohibiting government bodies at all levels from displaying religious symbols, reciting religious texts, or opening official proceedings with sectarian prayer, consistent with Supreme Court precedent protecting the separation of church and state.
- Protect the right of every American to practice their religion freely: or to practice no religion at all, without government interference, preference, or penalty. Religious freedom is a personal right, not a license for theocratic governance.
Taxing Politically Active Religious Organizations
The tax-exempt status granted to religious organizations under Section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code was designed to protect the independence of genuinely charitable institutions from government interference. It was never intended to subsidize the accumulation of vast real estate empires, the payment of multi-million dollar executive salaries, or the explicit direction of political activity from the pulpit. Yet some of the wealthiest religious organizations in the United States function as commercial enterprises and political operations while paying no federal taxes, no property taxes, and no taxes on investment income. This is not religious freedom. It is a taxpayer subsidy of political and commercial activity that no other sector of the economy enjoys.
How We Do It
- Establish a tiered financial disclosure requirement: for all religious organizations with annual revenues exceeding $500,000, requiring public disclosure of total revenue, executive compensation, real estate holdings, investment portfolios, and any expenditures on political or advocacy activities. These disclosures shall be filed with the IRS and made publicly available.
- Tax massive religious endowments: Religious organizations that accumulate net assets above a defined threshold, proposed at $500 million, shall be subject to a modest endowment tax on investment income equivalent to that applied to large university endowments under the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017.
- Establish a dedicated IRS enforcement unit: with adequate staffing and resources to investigate credible complaints of political activity by tax-exempt organizations, with meaningful penalties for violations including loss of tax-exempt status for repeat or egregious offenders.
Gerrymandering & Electoral Maps
Partisan gerrymandering has transformed the fundamental premise of representative democracy. Rather than voters choosing their representatives, representatives choose their voters, drawing district maps so precisely engineered that outcomes are predetermined regardless of how the electorate actually votes.
How We Do It
- Establish independent, nonpartisan redistricting commissions: in all fifty states and for all federal congressional districts, with membership drawn from pools of qualified citizens who are not current or recent elected officials, political party officers, lobbyists, or political consultants.
- Mandate public redistricting processes: with full transparency of the data and criteria used, robust opportunities for public input, and independent judicial review of final maps against clearly defined fairness criteria including compactness, contiguity, respect for existing political subdivisions, and partisan symmetry.
- Prohibit the use of partisan data: including registration data, voting history by party, and incumbent home addresses as inputs in the redistricting process, limiting the data used to draw maps to population counts, demographic data required for Voting Rights Act compliance, and geographic features.
Campaign Finance Reform
The Supreme Court's decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission opened the floodgates to unlimited corporate and dark money spending in American elections, fundamentally corrupting the democratic process by allowing the wealthiest individuals and corporations to exert influence over elections that is orders of magnitude greater than that of ordinary citizens.
How We Do It
- Pursue a constitutional amendment to overturn Citizens United: and establish that constitutional rights belong to human beings, not corporations, and that Congress and the states may regulate the raising and spending of money in political campaigns without constitutional limitation.
- Establish public funding for federal elections: allowing candidates who demonstrate sufficient grassroots support through small donations to access matching public funds and compete effectively without dependence on large donors.
- Require immediate, real-time online disclosure: of all political contributions and expenditures above a defined minimum threshold, making all donor information publicly searchable in a user-friendly federal database.
Voting Rights & Access
The right to vote is the most fundamental right in a democracy, and that right has been systematically attacked through voter ID laws, voter roll purges, polling place closures, restricted early voting, and the gutting of the Voting Rights Act by the Supreme Court's decision in Shelby County v. Holder.
How We Do It
- Pass the John R. Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act: restoring and strengthening the preclearance requirements of the Voting Rights Act to prevent states and localities with histories of voting discrimination from implementing changes that disenfranchise minority voters.
- Establish automatic voter registration: for all eligible citizens at age 18, with universal same-day registration available through Election Day, eliminating the bureaucratic barriers that prevent millions of eligible Americans from voting.
- Establish a national minimum of fifteen days of early voting: for all federal elections, alongside mandatory no-excuse absentee voting, and prohibit the closure of polling places without federal preclearance demonstrating that no discriminatory impact will result.
- Establish federal standards for voter ID requirements: that ensure no eligible voter is disenfranchised, requiring that any ID requirement be accompanied by a free, easily accessible government-issued ID option and robust provisional ballot protections.
- Make Election Day a federal holiday: ensuring that working Americans are not forced to choose between their jobs and their right to vote.
An Affirmative Constitutional Right to Vote
Every amendment to the Constitution that has addressed voting has done so in the negative: the right to vote shall not be denied or abridged on account of race, sex, age, or failure to pay a poll tax. The Constitution has never affirmatively guaranteed the right to vote as a positive right belonging to every American citizen. This negative formulation has allowed the Supreme Court to systematically dismantle the legal infrastructure protecting voting access while technically staying within the letter of existing constitutional text.
How We Do It
- Pursue a constitutional amendment establishing an affirmative right to vote: for every American citizen eighteen years of age or older, stated in positive terms. This shifts the constitutional burden from requiring plaintiffs to prove discrimination to requiring government to affirmatively protect access.
- Pass comprehensive federal voting rights legislation: pending the constitutional amendment, that overrides the Brnovich decision's weakening of Section 2 and establishes clear federal standards for early voting, mail voting, voter ID, and polling place adequacy that no state may fall below.
- Establish automatic restoration of voting rights: for individuals upon release from incarceration, recognizing that civic participation is essential to successful reentry.
Election Infrastructure & Administration
Free and fair elections require not just legal protections for voting rights but robust physical and administrative infrastructure: secure, accessible polling places, reliable vote counting equipment, trained election workers, adequate funding for election administration, and clear, consistent standards that voters and election officials can rely on. The Election Assistance Commission has been chronically underfunded and understaffed, leaving states and localities to manage federal election infrastructure without adequate federal support. At the same time, the politicization of state-level election administration and the targeting of election workers for harassment and intimidation have created a staffing crisis.
How We Do It
- Fully fund the Election Assistance Commission: and expand its authority to establish binding minimum federal standards for election administration, including paper ballot requirements for all federal elections, mandatory post-election audits using statistically sound risk-limiting audit methodologies, and standardized training and certification requirements.
- Establish federal protections for election workers: against harassment, intimidation, and threats, including enhanced federal criminal penalties for interference with the performance of election duties and a federal civil right of action for election workers who are targeted.
- Invest in election worker recruitment: along with training, compensation, and retention to address the documented staffing crisis created by the hostile political environment surrounding election administration.
Ranked Choice Voting
The current plurality voting system, in which the candidate with the most votes wins regardless of whether they represent the genuine preference of the majority, systematically produces outcomes that most voters oppose and creates the spoiler effect that discourages third-party and independent candidacies.
How We Do It
- Mandate ranked choice voting for all federal elections: allowing voters to rank candidates in order of preference and ensuring that winners have the genuine support of a majority of voters rather than merely the largest plurality in a crowded field.
- Provide federal funding and technical support: for states and localities implementing ranked choice voting, ensuring that the transition is smooth, well-administered, and accompanied by robust voter education programs.
Lobbying Reform & Special Interest Accountability
Lobbying is constitutionally protected and serves a legitimate function: individuals and organizations have the right to petition their government. The problem is not lobbying itself but the vast asymmetry between the resources available to corporate and special interests and the resources available to ordinary citizens. When a single industry can deploy hundreds of lobbyists and spend hundreds of millions of dollars to influence legislation, the formal equality of democratic participation becomes a fiction.
How We Do It
- Establish a comprehensive lobbying reform framework: that dramatically expands the definition of lobbying activity subject to registration and disclosure, requiring registration for all individuals who receive compensation for attempting to influence federal policy regardless of the percentage of time spent on lobbying activities.
- Establish a publicly funded counter-lobbying office: within Congress that provides legislators and their staff with independent policy analysis, economic modeling, and technical expertise on legislation that is the subject of intensive industry lobbying.
- Strengthen the institutional infrastructure of legislative independence: by expanding the capabilities of the Congressional Budget Office, the Congressional Research Service, and the Government Accountability Office.
Congressional Reform
Congress has systematically abdicated its constitutional responsibilities: delegating legislative authority to the executive branch, failing to exercise meaningful oversight of executive power, allowing itself to be corrupted by the revolving door between government service and lobbying, and permitting a broken appropriations process to result in government shutdowns that cost taxpayers billions.
How We Do It
- Establish strict post-government employment restrictions: prohibiting members of Congress and senior congressional staff from engaging in paid lobbying of their former chambers or committees for a minimum of five years after leaving office.
- Reform the congressional appropriations process: to prevent government shutdowns. If Congress fails to pass a budget by the deadline, an automatic continuing resolution at the previous year's funding levels shall immediately take effect, and members of Congress shall forfeit their salaries during any shutdown period.
- Explicitly exempt the Department of Defense from shutdowns: and establish a dedicated surplus reserve fund maintained at a level sufficient to fund DoD operations for a minimum of 90 days.
- Establish an independent ethics enforcement office: for Congress, replacing the current self-policing system, with the authority to investigate complaints, compel testimony, and impose binding sanctions.
- Prohibit members of Congress from trading individual stocks: Require that all investments above a defined threshold be held in blind trusts or broad index funds to eliminate conflicts of interest.
House of Representatives Reform
The United States House of Representatives has been capped at 435 members since 1929, despite the national population nearly tripling since that time. Each member now represents an average of more than 760,000 constituents, making genuine representation increasingly impossible.
How We Do It
- Pass legislation expanding the size of the House: using the Wyoming Rule, determining the size of the House by dividing the national population by the population of the smallest entitled unit.
- Mandate ranked choice voting: for all House of Representatives primary and general elections.
- Establish term limits: of twelve years (six two-year terms), with a corresponding prohibition on lobbying former colleagues for a period of five years following departure from office.
Senate Representation
The current Senate structure does not accurately reflect the political will of the American people. Many states are effectively represented by two senators of the same party, silencing a significant portion of their population in the upper chamber of Congress. True representative democracy requires that every state's full political voice be heard.
How We Do It
- Pursue a constitutional amendment restructuring Senate representation: so that each state is represented by one Republican senator and one Democrat or Independent senator, ensuring balanced representation regardless of a state's political lean.
- Resolve 50/50 Senate ties via an independent arbiter: selected through a transparent, merit-based process from a panel of retired senior jurists and former officials, serving a single fixed term with no partisan political activity permitted.
Supreme Court & Federal Judiciary Reform
The federal judiciary, and the Supreme Court in particular, has become increasingly politicized, with appointment processes that reward ideological loyalty over legal excellence and a lifetime tenure system that has allowed the Court to become an unaccountable counter-majoritarian institution whose composition is determined by the accident of which president is in office when a seat becomes vacant.
How We Do It
- Establish eighteen-year term limits for Supreme Court justices: serving staggered terms that allow each presidential term to include two Supreme Court appointments.
- Expand the Supreme Court from nine to eleven justices: five appointed by Democratic presidents, five appointed by Republican presidents, and one designated Tiebreaker Justice selected by a nonpartisan panel of retired senior federal circuit court judges.
- Establish a binding recusal standard: requiring mandatory recusal in any case where a justice has a documented financial, personal, or prior professional relationship with a party before the Court.
- Establish a random assignment requirement: for cases seeking nationwide injunctive relief, preventing forum shopping that allows a single district court judge to unilaterally block federal policy.
- Establish a binding Supreme Court Code of Ethics: with an independent enforcement mechanism, closing the gap in judicial ethics oversight.
- Establish clear statutory limits on presidential immunity: from criminal prosecution, consistent with the principle that no person is above the law.
Social Security Administration Independence
The Social Security Administration is not a policy agency in the conventional sense. Its primary function is to administer earned benefits that more than 70 million Americans depend on for their basic economic security. The SSA's commissioner serves a six-year term specifically to insulate the agency from political pressure. When the SSA is politicized, real people lose benefits they have earned and paid for throughout their working lives.
How We Do It
- Codify in statute that the Commissioner may only be removed for cause: defined as documented neglect of duty, malfeasance, or conduct unbecoming the office, with a mandatory congressional notification period.
- Establish an independent SSA oversight board: with authority to review and report on any politically motivated interference in the SSA's benefit administration, staffing, or operational decisions.
- Prohibit any reduction in SSA staffing or degradation of processing capacity: above a defined threshold without congressional approval and a public impact assessment.
The Electoral College
The Electoral College was designed for a world that no longer exists. In the modern era, it has produced outcomes in which the winner of the popular vote lost the presidency, fundamentally undermining the democratic principle of majority rule.
How We Do It
- Pursue a constitutional amendment establishing direct popular election: of the president, ensuring that every American's vote carries equal weight.
- Encourage all states to join the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact: in the interim, which would guarantee the presidency to the winner of the national popular vote once states representing a majority of electoral votes have adopted it.
United States Postal Service as Democratic Infrastructure
The United States Postal Service is older than the nation itself. It is universally accessible and relied upon by tens of millions of Americans for prescription medications, small business commerce, Social Security checks, and absentee ballots. The deliberate operational degradation of the USPS demonstrated that postal infrastructure can be weaponized against democratic participation. That vulnerability must be permanently closed.
How We Do It
- Establish the USPS as protected critical democratic infrastructure: prohibiting operational changes, equipment removals, or service standard reductions above a defined threshold without congressional approval.
- Prohibit the Postmaster General from implementing delivery-slowing changes: during the 120 days preceding any federal election.
- Resolve the USPS's chronic financial crisis: by permanently eliminating the uniquely burdensome pre-funding requirement for retiree health benefits.
- Invest in the modernization of the USPS vehicle fleet: processing infrastructure, and technology to ensure that it can compete effectively.
Anti-Authoritarianism Protections
The January 6th attack on the United States Capitol, the systematic effort to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election, and the Supreme Court's expansion of presidential immunity have exposed dangerous vulnerabilities in the democratic guardrails that Americans have long assumed would protect their system of self-governance.
How We Do It
- Codify the norms of democratic governance into statute: including the peaceful transfer of power, the independence of law enforcement and prosecutorial decisions from political direction, and the prohibition on using federal agencies as instruments of political persecution.
- Strengthen the Insurrection Act: to prevent the misuse of military force against lawful civilian protest or political opposition, and establish clear congressional oversight requirements for any deployment of federal law enforcement in response to civil unrest.
Presidential Accountability & Term Limits
The presidency is the most powerful office in the American government. That power demands clear accountability mechanisms before, during, and after service. No person, regardless of the office they hold or have held, is above the law. The norm of presidential immunity from criminal accountability has been stretched and exploited in ways that the framers never intended.
How We Do It
- Reaffirm and codify in federal statute that no president is immune: from criminal investigation or prosecution for acts committed outside their official duties, closing the ambiguity created by recent judicial interpretations.
- Require comprehensive financial disclosure: from all presidential candidates and sitting presidents, including full tax return disclosure, blind trust requirements for all business interests, and regular independent audits.
Protecting Federal Law Enforcement from Political Weaponization
The Department of Justice, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and the Internal Revenue Service exist to enforce the law impartially on behalf of all Americans. When these institutions are directed to investigate, prosecute, or audit political enemies and shield political allies, they cease to be instruments of justice and become instruments of political control. This is not a hypothetical threat. The documented use of federal law enforcement resources for political purposes, including the targeting of perceived political opponents for investigation and the application of prosecutorial discretion based on political affiliation, is among the most serious institutional corruptions a democracy can experience. It is also among the hardest to reverse once established as a norm. [69]
How We Do It
- Establish a statutory Prosecutorial Independence Protection Act that prohibits the president and White House staff from directing, influencing, or communicating with the Department of Justice regarding specific investigations or prosecutions of named individuals, with criminal penalties for violations. All contacts between the White House and DOJ regarding specific cases shall be documented, reported to the inspector general, and disclosed to Congress within a defined period. [70]
- Establish equivalent protections for the IRS, prohibiting any executive branch official from directing IRS audit selection, enforcement priorities, or collection activities with respect to named individuals or organizations for political purposes. Require that any communication between the White House and the IRS regarding named taxpayers be immediately reported to the Treasury Inspector General for Tax Administration and disclosed to the Senate Finance Committee. [71]
Federal Civil Service & Merit System Protections
The professional, nonpartisan federal civil service is one of the most important and most underappreciated institutions of American democracy. The reclassification of career civil servants as at-will political appointees, through mechanisms like Schedule F, represents the most significant attack on the merit-based civil service since the spoils system it replaced. A politicized civil service is not a more efficient civil service. It is a more corruptible one.
How We Do It
- Permanently prohibit Schedule F: and any equivalent reclassification mechanism that converts career civil servants into at-will political employees, through legislation that codifies merit-based employment protections.
- Strengthen the Merit Systems Protection Board: with enhanced authority, adequate staffing, and clear statutory timelines for adjudicating appeals from federal employees penalized for political reasons.
- Establish clear statutory limits on reductions in force: agency reorganizations, and deferred resignation programs used as tools for mass dismissal for political purposes.
- Establish a Federal Workforce Independence Commission: tasked with conducting a comprehensive audit of all politically motivated dismissals and providing remedies for employees whose protections were violated.
Checking the Concentration of Executive Power
The Founders designed a government of separated powers precisely because they understood, from hard experience, that the concentration of power in a single person or faction was the most reliable path to tyranny. The constitutional system of checks and balances is not a technicality or an obstacle to effective governance; it is the mechanism by which the rights of the people are protected against the ambitions of the powerful. That system is now under sustained and explicit assault. The assertion that the president has unreviewable authority over the entire executive branch, that appropriations passed by Congress can be impounded at presidential discretion, that independent agencies can be dismantled without legislative authorization, and that the president is immune from criminal accountability for official acts, collectively represents the most serious challenge to the constitutional order since the Civil War. [77]
How We Do It
- Pass a comprehensive Presidential Accountability and Separation of Powers Restoration Act that codifies the limits on presidential impoundment of congressionally appropriated funds, establishes clear statutory requirements that the president faithfully execute all laws passed by Congress, and affirms the authority of independent agencies to operate free from presidential direction on their regulatory and enforcement functions. Establish expedited judicial review procedures for separation of powers disputes to prevent administrative delay from becoming a tool of constitutional avoidance. [78]
- Pass legislation that explicitly and unambiguously overrides the presidential immunity framework established in Trump v. United States, establishing that no person, including the president, is immune from criminal prosecution for acts that violate federal law, regardless of whether those acts were taken in an official capacity. The principle that no one is above the law is not merely a political slogan; it is the foundational premise of a government of laws rather than of men. [79]
- Strengthen the protection of inspectors general as independent watchdogs by requiring that any removal of a presidentially appointed inspector general be preceded by thirty days written notice to Congress with specific cause stated, and that cause be limited to documented performance failures or ethical violations. The mass dismissal of inspectors general without cause or notice eliminates the primary internal accountability mechanism of the executive branch and must be made permanently illegal. [80]
Emergency Powers Reform
The executive branch's emergency powers, while necessary in genuine crises, have been repeatedly expanded, abused, and used to circumvent congressional authority in ways that undermine the separation of powers and democratic governance.
How We Do It
- Establish clear statutory limits on presidential emergency powers: specifying the circumstances under which they may be invoked and requiring automatic expiration after 30 days unless affirmatively reauthorized by Congress.
- Strengthen the War Powers Resolution: to ensure that the president cannot commit American forces to sustained combat operations without meaningful and timely congressional authorization.
Office of Public Integrity: Draining the Swamp for Real
The promise to drain the swamp has been made by politicians of both parties for decades. It has never been kept, because the people most responsible for draining it are the same people who benefit most from its existence. What is needed is a permanent, independent institution with the authority and resources necessary to investigate and hold accountable any public official who abuses the public trust.
How We Do It
- Establish an Office of Public Integrity: as a permanent, fully independent federal entity outside all three branches of government, funded through a dedicated appropriation protected from ordinary budget politics.
- Empower the Office to investigate corruption: bribery, abuse of office, and conflicts of interest involving all federal elected officials, appointees, contractors, and lobbyists, regardless of party affiliation.
- Led by a nonpartisan board of seven directors: serving single fixed ten-year terms with strict post-employment restrictions.
- Grant subpoena power and authority to refer cases: for criminal prosecution to an independent special prosecutor with guaranteed tenure.